By John Gillingham
The conflict convention celebrated its quarter-centenary in 2002 in Glasgow, and this quantity, whereas starting from Norman Sicily to Scandinavia, has a selected specialise in Scottish subject matters. There are six papers on features of Scottish heritage from the 11th to the early 13th century: on kings and their fans, at the construction of burghs, and at the border abbey church buildings. Charters (Norman, Anglo-Norman and Scottish) symbolize one other concentration. as well as papers discussing difficulties of authenticity and the consequences of forgery, a number of others use constitution proof to shed new gentle on royal and aristocratic values and on serious sessions within the background of William the Conqueror and the Marshal earls. 3 papers take a comparative examine previous and current interpretations of legislation and legislations codes in England, Scotland and Scandinavia; examine modern historians' perceptions of the Jews and Byzantium.Contributors: MICHAEL ANGOLD, G.W.S. BARROW, DAVID BATES, DAUVIT BROUN, JULIA CRICK, A.A.M. DUNCAN, RICHARD FAWCETT, J0HN HUDSON, MICHAEL H. GELTING, MICHAEL KENNEDY, RICHARD MORTIMER, BRUCE O'BRIEN, DANIEL energy, NIGEL WEBB.
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Extra resources for Anglo-Norman Studies 25: Proceedings of the Battle Conference 2002 (Anglo-Norman Studies)
At this stage he shows scant interest in Byzantine affairs. 54 However, in the subsequent rewritings of William of Jumièges’ Deeds of the Norman Dukes Byzantium is given a much more prominent place. In a version (B), produced between 1097 and 1100, the story of Duke Robert’s pilgrimage to Jerusalem is greatly expanded. Now the duke is received by the Emperor in the city of Constantinople. He deliberately entered the city on a mule shod with gold to give the lie to the Greek calumny that the Franks were greedy for gold.
Her connection with Byzantium was through her sister-in-law, who was certainly a Byzantine princess and very probably a daughter of the Byzantine Emperor Constantine IX Monomachos (1042–55): D. Obolensky, The Byzantine Commonwealth, London 1971, 255–6. William the Conqueror’s father-in-law 28 Anglo-Norman Studies XXV would be distant in the extreme. The interesting thing is that they were now thought worth dusting down. ’53 William of Poitiers was aware of Byzantium as setting some sort of standard against which a ruler such as William the Conqueror needed to measure himself.
4; I (iii): p. 24–5; I (iv): p. 7; I (iv), p. 12; II (v): p. 7; II (vi): p. 21. 80 J. Shepard, ‘When Greek Meets Greek: Alexius Comnenus and Bohemond in 1097–8’, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 12, 1988, 185–277. 81 Gesta Francorum, X (xxx): p. 5–13. Knowledge of Byzantine History in the West 33 In the aftermath of the conquest of Antioch, the combination of Byzantine indifference and of division among the crusade leadership left the expedition without clear direction. 82 Rather than resort to outright criticism of the leaders of the crusade, it was easier to shift the blame to the Byzantine emperor.
Anglo-Norman Studies 25: Proceedings of the Battle Conference 2002 (Anglo-Norman Studies) by John Gillingham