By Laurie Shrage
Shrage argues that Roe v Wade's regulatory scheme of a six-month time span for abortion on call for polarized the general public and obscured possible choices with probably broader help. She explores the origins of that scheme, then defends an alternative one--with a time span shorter than 6 months for non-therapeutic abortions--that might win wide aid had to make felony abortion companies on hand to all ladies.
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Additional resources for Abortion and Social Responsibility: Depolarizing the Debate (Studies in Feminist Philosophy)
Should the United States simply adopt the regulatory approach to abortion now in use in many liberal democratic social welfare states? Responding to Mary Ann Glendon, who proposes this, Ruth Colker writes: "I do not suggest it as the solution in the United States. "100 Yet Glendon seems to suggest that we adopt not only the regulations but the larger security net as well. She writes: If we are to move from abortion on demand to reimposition of restrictions on abortions in certain situations, we should review the entire complex of laws that bear on maternity and childraising, including but not limited to our welfare and child support laws.
The government could simply permit doctors to perform guaranteed feticidal pregnancy terminations after viability, as they are now allowed to do before viability. Like the live-birth problem, such procedural options, though, raise serious moral and practical questions. Should a woman or doctor be allowed to choose a guaranteed feticidal method after viability and, if so, under what circumstances ? "72 The adoption of laws proscribing feticidal abortion procedures after viability, when these procedures offer no therapeutic advantage over other methods, is likely to increase the numbers of live births following 22 Abortion and Social Responsibility postviability abortions, though the percentage of abortions at this stage is quite low.
It could be argued that five months provides an ample amount of time for a woman to have an abortion. If banning abortion at six months does not too drastically abridge a woman's right, then banning abortion at five months similarly does not too drastically abridge her right, and the earlier cutoff further advances the state's interest in protecting potential life. In other words, the reasons Newman provides for permitting the state to ban abortions at viability either are not sufficient to support banning abortion at all, but only particular abortion methods, or they are sufficient to support banning abortion at viability, and possibly earlier.
Abortion and Social Responsibility: Depolarizing the Debate (Studies in Feminist Philosophy) by Laurie Shrage